Research Reports

Searching for Justice, 2005

Reflections on Traditional American Indian Ways, 1998

Threats to Tribal Sovereignty, 1998

Traditional American Indian Leadership: A Comparison with U.S. Governance, 1997

Communications and Relationships Between Reservation American Indians and Non-Indians from Neighboring Communities, 1997

American Indians & Home Ownership, 1995

Section One: Policies & Practices

• Theme One: Urbanization
• Theme Two: Population Growth Within the Urban Indian Community
• Theme Three: American Indians and Housing

Theme One: Urbanization

As American Indians increased their migration to the urban areas during the decades of the '50s, '60s, and '70s in search of employment opportunities, both voluntarily and encouraged through the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) public policies, they struggled to fit into economic, institutional, and social systems that were outside their cultural reality. Previous academic research has documented the "urbanization" of American Indians in terms of population migration, housing and employment conditions both off and on the reservations, and contemporary policy formation and implementation at the time. In 1976, Stan Steiner noted policy makers' attitudes by quoting the late Vice President Hubert H. Humphrey who optimistically wrote about the 'Relocation Program.'

"It is aimed at encouraging Indians to move off the less promising reservations and into industrial centers where work opportunities are more plentiful...a package program-vocational training and job placement with all expenses paid for trainee and family-has lured 50,000 Indians into successful urban living." (Steiner, 1976)

During this time of urbanization and relocation, many American Indian people found themselves facing poor housing conditions including overcrowding, high rents, and discrimination in the renting process. Richard Woods and Arthur Harkins document these conditions in a report for the Center for Urban and Regional Affairs at the University of Minnesota in 1969. Even though Indians faced substandard housing in the urban areas, Woods and Harkins conclude that those situations were a better alternative to what Indian people faced on the reservations. They also note that Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) programs devised for urban relocation had helped a handful of Indians with locating housing and provided a home purchase plan within Minneapolis. (Woods, 1969)

Yet another set of researchers, J. Milton Yinger and George Eaton Simpson, provided an interpretation of the experience of American Indians with urbanization and integration. In 1978, they noted "At present, most Indians favor integration but resist forced cultural assimilation. They prefer partial assimilation. They want to adapt to modern life, keeping what they value in Indian cultures and adopting what they admire or need in white culture." They go on to say, "Two aspects of the nonmaterial culture that have persisted within the Indian world are the emphasis placed upon the extended family as the basic social unit and the importance of the role of Indian land." (Yinger, 1978)

How do American Indians who migrated from the reservation to the city interpret this experience themselves?

We asked community members to come to the table to talk about these experiences.

"I was thinking how I came to become an urban Indian. Our family didn't have any work so we had to come to the cities."

"I'm a St. Paulite. I'm from White Earth. My grandparents were part of the de-Indianization. Both grandfathers got fairly industrialized. My mother was able to maintain my family home. I go back to White Earth but it always feels like you're homeless. It's hard to get back into the community if you've been an outsider."

"I'm enrolled in White Earth and raised in Cass Lake. I came to Minneapolis in 1938. I went to school here and also in North Dakota (a government school). But this is my home town-I've lived here most my life. I remember way back when-you would see an Indian and they were a friend of yours. I remember that they limited where we could live. It was that way until the fifties. You could see the change. I was working as an alcoholic counselor in 1975 or so. I know the problems for alcoholics. I've been out of the workforce for a while now. But I'm interested in what's going on for Indians."

"At home, (Winnebago), people are always talking about half-breeds..blood quantum is a big issue. That isn't something that we deal with as much here [in the urban area]. It's more about enrollment. When I go home I always feel really welcome but I know that I could never live there. My grandmother and mother's dream to always move back there. They consider it as home. As I get older I think about it in the same way my parents do. It's hard to give up the convenience of this place. But I don't want to die here."

"I didn't differentiate it [discrimination] as an Indian-White thing. I thought of discrimination because I was poor. The Indian perception came up in high school. The highest expectation for myself was to graduate from high school and become a store clerk. That was ok for the family, too. My being Indian was more important to others than to me. I thought I was different because I was poor, not because I was Indian."

"When I came to the urban area I changed. We leave all of the things we hold important spiritually. At one time I lost all of the spiritual things because of alcohol. But it came back to me. I carry tobacco with me all of the time now. Because that's what I was told to do. When you're part of a clan, you come to the drum and you share. Those are the things that aren't being taught anymore."

"I'd like to talk about the issue that change happens on the reservation, too. I'm not so sure that being in an urban area or being separated from the land, makes you lose your culture. I think it has more to do with your family background. If a family holds these things as important, then it will be carried on-regardless if you're living in the urban area. I take offense to the American Indian term too...and 'Urban Indian' is part of that. There were all kinds of policies that forced Indians that were living off the reservation apart. Now, there are [tribal] offices down here-before you had to travel all the way back up there to hold onto your status (sovereignty issues). We also need to think about the economic issues that forced people off the reservation. I guess what I'm trying to say is that the urban area didn't cause all of these problems. We need to stop and think about what happened to the people who came here. There are just as many drunks on the reservation, too. In the 1930s, there were families that were forming groups to promote community and culture. They were trying to cope in the urban area. Maybe what was lost was the sense of community.

In studying Urban Indians, what I've found is there were families that were engaged in forming institutions. This was the basis for much of the Indian community formation here. When I came to the cities in 1970s, I found that there weren't a lot of people who could do some of the ceremonies. I tried to find someone to do a pipe ceremony. The American Indian Movement was a rebirth of that."

"In terms of promoting traditions, the name ceremony, bead work, etc., you might find that some of the urban folks are attempting to retain and promote culture. I've heard folks say that the urban folks come back and are too intense...always wanting a naming ceremony, etc. I don't think that the geographic definition is necessary the distinction for who is or isn't traditional."

Urbanization was an integral part of the American Indian community in its most recent history. How might the past relocation policies and experiences with urbanization affect current policies and practices today, especially in the arena of housing?

Participants, including many housing providers, in roundtable discussions stated the following:

Understanding the components and process for home ownership was a challenge for Indian people leaving the reservations.

"I grew up on the reservation and in the woods, then I moved to the city. I didn't grow up understanding dollar value-this stays with you. It's hard to change."

"I didn't think about owning a home. I didn't think of settling down. I didn't have structure or abilities. I made a mistake back then (looking back) I'm 60 years old and still working; I'm kicking myself now for what I chose at age 30."

Several Indian families were able to buy homes after having migrated to the city. Although, even when Indian people entered into home ownership, they faced situations that made it difficult for them to maintain their homes. Several participants shared their experiences and the experiences of family and friends.

"My brother owned a home in 1960-61. He was working for FMC in Northeast (Minneapolis). He worked there for 5 or 6 years then went to work in a lumber company and worked there for a while. He had his own home in North Minneapolis. He didn't have any bad credit. We were out on the street and such but he never got into trouble. Another couple owned a house. The wife worked at the American Indian Center. In the 60's, credit wasn't as crucial and the price was low. There were also a woman from White Earth who bought a house through the HUD 235 program. She bought a house on the North side (of Minneapolis). But she wasn't keeping up on maintenance and it went down hill."

Some participants offered that urban communities are not designed for the Indian community.

"A lot of our people with tribal feelings inside of them have trouble with how urban housing is laid out. It is (or was) designed for a non-Indian mentality. [This could include the notion that single family homes do not compliment the needs of extended families who may live together.] I think there is a hesitancy in some of our people wanting to embrace that. I also find many people who have made it on the other side but who are not really happy out there. Maybe we won't resolve it in this generation-maybe the next generation can get the right mix. It will have to come back to working as a community."

"What I've heard is that some Indian people may want their own identity as a family [and less as a community]. This touches perceptions of others in community and has to do with stereotypes (e.g. families with alcohol or economic problems). People attempt to find their own place. They can find strength with 2 or 3 families working together. This is not necessarily reservation mentality but rebuilding a different kind of community and integrating into the urban community."

Theme Two: Population Growth Within the Urban Indian Community

The number of American Indians living within the city of Minneapolis grew significantly during the period of "urbanization." The following population growth was documented by the Census Bureau.

A special note should be made about the utilization of Census data. Census data is collected in a self-reporting manner. This may affect the total count of American Indians living within the Twin Cities metropolitan area, the State of Minnesota, and the entire United States. American Indians, who are enrolled with their tribes, ultimately have the choice to identify themselves as American Indian during the Census count each decade. Other citizens with American Indian heritage, or with an understanding that their family may possess some Indian heritage, who are not enrolled, may chose to identify themselves as American Indian as well. Several community members address the issues of self-reporting in the focus groups we have conducted. Some of those discussions are presented later in this report.

Data: Census Data Report 1990, City of Minneapolis Planning Department

The percent change in the American Indian population within the city of Minneapolis between the years 1960-1990 was 594 percent. The percent change between 1980 and 1990 was 38 percent. ("State of the City" Report. City of Minneapolis Planning Department. 1993)

The city of St. Paul's American Indian population grew during this same period. The size of the Indian community within St. Paul has historically been smaller than within Minneapolis. Census figures for the growth of the Indian population in St. Paul are as follows.

The percent change in the Indian population in St. Paul between 1960 and 1990 was 606 percent. The percent change between 1980 and 1990 was 46 percent.

Population change and growth within the seven county metropolitan suburban communities also was significant during this period of time.

Data: U.S. Census Bureau, City of Minneapolis Planning Dept.

The total population growth for the entire seven county metropolitan area is noted in the following table.

Data: U.S. Census Bureau, City of Minneapolis Planning Dept.

The percent growth of the American Indian population within the seven county metropolitan area between 1960-1990 was 705 percent. In comparison, during this same time period, the white population grew 40 percent within the metro area from 1,497,850 people to 2,096,659. The African American population grew 332 percent between 1960 and 1990, from 20,711 people to 89,459 people. Figures for percent change during this same time period within the Asian-Pacific and Chicano/Latino populations were not available. ("State of the City" Report. City of Minneapolis Planning Department. 1993)

Theme Three: American Indians and Housing

What is home ownership and what does it mean to American Indians?

Home is more than a building on a lot. Many of the community members and housing providers with whom we discussed these issues noted how American Indian people want to feel comfortable with the idea of owning a house.

"When people are looking at homes they want to own, they look for something they can take cultural ownership of, or attempt to find something that they want for their family. This includes things about the house and the neighborhood that grounds an Indian person. It's not just a house to make payments on; it needs to feel like it belongs to you. It may be hard to make commitment to jumping through the hoops like cleaning up a credit record or even making a mortgage payment unless it 'feels' right."

"I chose my home in a diverse neighborhood with cedar trees in the yard. I prayed, and something said it was ok place to be. I left tobacco in the back yard. This was someplace I could embrace and call my own."

"We like to say a home is a building on a lot, but it's more than that. It is or should be a neighborhood where kids are safe and neighbors like each other. This community piece is important to people of all cultures. The question is whether the American way of providing house and home is really adequate for anyone, especially for people of color."

"We need to ask Indians what they want in a home when we're trying to serve their needs. HUD never asks. Back on the reservation at Mille Lacs, my uncle started a housing project. He asked Indian people, what kind of housing do you want? My uncle couldn't read or write but could speak Ojibwe, and he got signatures from lots of folks. He sent the signatures to Washington. We got homes that were supposed to last us 100 years. In 10 years, the houses were falling apart. He asked all these people what they wanted. We need to ask the Indian people what they want."

Focus group participants noted that home may not always mean an individual house that someone purchases. A place to call home can mean Indian Country, a particular neighborhood, or the reservation for example.

"Saying this is Indian Country means something. My home is within Indian country. It's not a street address. We're dealing with issues regarding a neighborhood as being important to a specific address. I want to live in this area. I'm not talking about ownership or rental, but belonging to a place."

"There are a couple of lines from a song regarding homelessness: 'Maybe I can find a place I can call my home, maybe I can find a home I can call my own.'"

"Housing was to protect oneself from the elements, not for material status. There may be two ways of looking at housing: cultural and economic. The economic aspects may contain the material interpretation of housing (i.e. building equity, etc.)."

In addition, community members discussed the importance of the connection to their individual reservations. Even though many American Indians live, work, and perhaps were born in the urban area, there remains strong ties to extended families living on the reservation and to the reservation itself.

"One thing that strikes me for Indian people is the idea of home being the reservation, not the urban environment. After owning two homes here, I still think one day I will go home to the reservation. Many who live here in the urban area may still consider the reservation their real home. The concept for Indian people of signing a paper and how old I'd be when I finally paid for the home [this is a strange concept to get used to.]"

"We're the first generation coming to grips with fact we're not reservation people anymore."

"Those of us who are homeowners in the urban area, even with 30 year mortgage, view this as a temporary state. We will or desire to go back home to our homeland. This includes having a HUD house we'll never own. Home ownership is not a permanent thing in our lives."

These comments describe what may informally be called the "Reservation Chain." American Indians with connections to the reservations either through family ties or personal experiences often migrate back and forth between the reservation and the urban areas. Length of stays in either area can vary by months or years. Some of the comments below capture the importance of this link.

"Indian people haven't consciously made the transition between the reservation and the urban area. (We would still be on the reservation if it could support us.)"

One participant offered that he would like to live up north on the reservation again, but it was too difficult to get a house, even to rent. He said, "What has drawn people back to the reservation is casinos. The casinos are employing a lot of Indians. Before when people went back, there wasn't any chance for work."

"Another meaning of this homing instinct to the reservation is a spiritual cultural tie that exists. It is not recorded or written down. The oral history tradition is that these are the things expected as an Indian person in my generation. I have been encouraged to think this way but not instructed to think this way. The enticement to come toward the knowledge and come to it through a pursuit-a learning style. This is the other channel that's present here. It is difficult to make these statements to Eurocentric people. They can't translate into Indian world. We look to our ancestors and our elders, that which was before us, and the oral history that was handed down. This was all that was left of the broad expanse. I would submit that [this] is in part, the safety net deal and the instinct (traditional and spiritual) to hang on to. There is a feeling among Indian people that when we lose that chain we've hung on to, there is no more Indian then. No more spiritual connection. To me that is the reservation chain."

"We're supposed to be like everyone else, but we know that doesn't really happen. There is the other layer where you will be treated differently. We still have the reservation and this is all that keeps us going. We can still go home and have relatives who will take us in. We have a safety net we carry around. A decision to purchase [a house] is almost giving up the safety net."

"This is how people feel about the holy land-a similar attraction or meaning in people's lives. If we lose that, we don't exist anymore."

"How we view land and home is important; I'm from Oklahoma, and I grew up there. There are 200,000 Indians in Oklahoma and Indian people were forcibly removed and moved into that state. All tribes were moved in. The reverence for land and the reservation is different for me. I see things differently from being around people who have that home base. What is there to say about how we view land and home? It has to be built back. The language, culture, and spirit of people has come back, but more has been lost than what has been rebuilt. In my tribe alone there were 14 clans and after the removal there were only seven-what does that do to a culture?"

"What does it (home ownership) give somebody that is so damned important. When you've got 10,000 years of migratory patterns in your cells, is planting in one place right for you? If you can say: 'I can go back to the reservation,' you still have sense of movement."

"I believe that Indian people don't want to be tied down. They're free spirit. This ties into why Indians move around a lot. However, some Indians will stay if they have a good job or live in a good area."

After having defined the concept of "home," focus group participants attempted to define "ownership." One participant stated that the spirit of ownership is a new concept for us. The conversations on this issue focused on the concept and how to create a desire within American Indians for home ownership.

"Go back even one generation; we didn't have 'ownership' even though we called our homes our own. The part of question that bothers me is that home ownership is assumed to be something everyone wants. There are many in our society who can't be home owners. They may be disabled or lack secure or stable income adequate for home ownership. Home ownership is not in their best interest."

"We need to find ways to satisfy cultural needs in the housing stock, and we need to create the spirit of ownership within the Indian community."

"I think identity is an issue. This generation [generation linked to the reservation] is not acclimated to the capitalist system and we teach our children our values. What it takes to get a house are ideas and values we didn't grow up with."

"I think there's a problem with credit. In the past, if people didn't have the money, they didn't want to buy it. My mother didn't want a 'new' government house on the reservation in the 1970's."

"You have to create a drive in people to have a house. It is or has become the basis of economic life for many American people. The issue still has to be brought to Indian people. The need would be to create that drive for home ownership beyond the general need for housing."

"There is a small percentage of Indian people in this generation who are in home ownership. However, there are a lot of people interested in owning, but because of economic factors, they can't clear up their credit to purchase a home. I believe it will be long time before Indian people as a whole can think about purchasing homes."

In many ways, this last statement demonstrates that the desire for ownership may be prevalent but the barriers to owning a home are too great to surmount and thus, the desire is lost. Understanding the concept of ownership may not only be cultural. It may also be economic.

"What we're moving toward is a purchase of a home and owning it in terms of a title rather than a home as a place to live. The dichotomy we're using here is going toward that end of home purchase. What happens if some may not want it? How do you draw the line? Not wanting home ownership might be cultural, but it could also be economic. I do not wish for something I can't afford."

"My whole reference is established and rooted in my ancestors, and their place is where they raised me and taught me. That is my homeland. Home ownership for me as an Indian person is something that makes economic sense, but different from my cultural reality. Getting out of it by selling wasn't immediately clear to me."

"Ownership is a long term commitment-this may scare people."

However, many community members and housing providers noted that home ownership can complement cultural needs of Indian people. Home ownership can include family or generational housing.

"Wealth should be understood as a family idea. When I bought a home, I needed my son's income. It's not me who'll have that mortgage. He'll have it. This also relates to the idea of the community, and this happens within the Asian community where they pool resources."

"Home ownership can have a communal attitude towards a home. If many relatives were living in the same house, we could all chip-in to live in that house-like it is on the reservation. We would need to bring that attitude to the city."

"There are all types of homes (co-housing, etc.) It doesn't just have to be single family homes."

"We need to improve the ability to qualify for owning homes to retain our cultural identity."

"We're fighting for whatever life we can give the Indian people. We can't solve people's problems, but we also don't want to see our kids slip into poverty when they come to the cities. They need a support system, part of which is housing, where they can be comfortable to go out and get an education. I don't know directly how to facilitate this. We may need some specially-designed housing with a program attached to it."

Home ownership can also meet other needs of the community. For example, beginning recovery should be a part of housing and home ownership.

"Beginning recovery for chemical dependency, any economic changes, including employment, is what moves people out of emergency shelters. There is a need for the beginning stability-that's a segment of this pie to fill in. Dependency is a barrier."

Not all people can become home owners, at least not all at the same time. What role does Little Earth play in the conversation about housing and home ownership?

In many of the discussions, community members brought up the role of Little Earth (Little Earth of United Tribes housing project) in the housing continuum. Many participants described the intent of past, current, and future policies regarding Little Earth. The model Little Earth provides is based on community ownership and a sense of place. Little Earth may bridge the gap between individual home ownership and rental situations. Several ideas about the role of Little Earth were provided by participants.

"Are we participating in Little Earth because of the economy? Is it more affordable than an independent, scattered site housing?"

"The rents that HUD pays for a 3 bedroom unit at Little Earth is $750 per month. There are a lot of homes available at that rate. I don't think economic reasons for Little Earth persist necessarily because the cost of housing has gone down."

"Little Earth ownership? We don't know what's going to happen. The rug has been pulled out from underneath us before so we can't count on anything right now. This has been an issue with Little Earth for a long time. Indian people don't trust too many people because things are taken away too often. [HUD Secretary] Cisneros has said this is what it will be, but will another administration take this away? Little Earth is not tribally related. There are legal issues of dealing with Indian people as Indian people."

"Little Earth has to be a part of a larger community building effort. We must stress involvement of all Indian people in the decision making process. We have grown up with traditional values such as always bring people in together. When we fail to do that, it falls apart."

"Little Earth keeps coming in as a litmus test of what might be able to happen. Little Earth is not even our responsibility yet, and just doing work fixing up the housing isn't the answer. It has to be part of larger community building effort."

A discussion about broader public policies entered the dialogue about housing.

An alternative point of view about housing programs was offered in the discussions. One participant asked "How does one feel about getting help for free?"

"I've never owned a home in my life; I'm almost 60 years old now. I go back to the reservation monthly, and I feel that we are a put-down people. We have nothing to begin with. The government buys homes for us and everything is handed to us. This creates low self esteem. Look at Little Earth, most residents have never owned a home in their entire life and a few own because of their jobs. There aren't too many Indians with good jobs to afford their homes. We're going to get everything handed to us at Little Earth too, and I don't feel good about that. "

"In the U.S., it isn't just the poor who are handed homes. Most money for home ownership is spent for rich people [through the mortgage interest deduction] and the poor shouldn't feel guilty about accepting money for homes."

"There is a distinction between these housing expenditures. The rich who get that money still consider it their house. A HUD house is never going to be [his or her] house. If we were told here are the keys, it is yours that would be different."

Next Section

The Well-Being of American Indian Children in Minnesota: Economic Conditions, 1994

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